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Translated by Fiky Daulay
The origin: mermaids and pollution
The Brantas River flows 320 km long in East Java, Indonesia. The creeks of the Brantas are witness to a civilization that continues to progress, decay and evolve. They sustain half of the province’s population and diverse ecosystems that are connected to its flow. In the last decade, the level of pollution and degradation of the Brantas River has increased and has attracted serious attention because of unbridled industrial and domestic waste, from PCB (polychlorinated biphenyl) to dioxins, plastic (including bisfenol-A) and DDT (dichloro-diphenyl-trichloroethane) (Darmawanti). We are familiar with, and exposed to these substances in our everyday lives through (almost all) our interactions with food, bottles, medicine, electronic devices, clothes, pesticides, detergents, vehicles, etc.
In 2017, Indowater/Ecoton1, a group of water crisis activists, initiated an action campaign in a site along the river Mas (a tributary of the Brantas River that flows through the city of Surabaya) to critique and express concerns about the pollution. The researchers that are part of the group argue that the substances polluting the river ecosystem are classified as Endocrine Disrupting Chemicals (EDC). EDC contains synthetic estrogen which causes genetic mutations in 20%-30% of the population of male Ikan Tawes (“Java Barb fish”, or Barbonymus Gonionotus). This percentage of fish mutates into an “intersexual species”. In their campaign, Indowater/Ecoton called these mutant fish “bencong” (“trans”) to refer to the fish’ “abnormalities” and “deviation” from their “natural” sexuality. Indowater/Ecoton also claimed that it is dangerous for humans to consume intersexual fish because it could cause biological reproductive disorders and stunt child growth. To attract attention from the mass media, the male activists dressed up as mermaids. They sat on inflatable boats and floated down the murky river whilst holding up protest banners and posters that read: “KEMBALIKAN KEJANTANANKU” (“Give me back my masculinity”) and “PESTISIDA DETERJEN rusak gairah BERCINTAKU” (“Detergent pesticides destroyed my love spirit”) (Guntur; Supriyadi; Zahroh). Many environmentalists consider the campaign to have been successful in communicating the issue of pollution—including communicating terms that might sound foreign to ordinary people—because it used a popular and humorous approach (Sholikhah & Zunariyah 26; “NGAKAK! Lihat aksi ‘Ikan Bencong’ di Kalimas, Surabaya”).2
Anti-EDC research campaigns and publications highlighting concerns about these kinds of changes in the sexual fabric of fish are carried out across the world. Researchers and environmental activists are proclaiming the “feminization of nature,” “estrogen surges,” “the collapse of masculinity,” and “penile shrinkage” a threat that will eventually lead to extinction (Hayes; Raloff; Twombly). Although their resistance to the polluting industry’s power is considered to be progressive, the sexual political discourse they promote may aggravate the dominance of institutionalised heterenormative discourse and LGBTQ+ (Lesbian/Gay/Biseksual/Trans/Queer+) phobia—including in Indonesia. The use of the term “ikan bencong” (“trans fish”), for example, may exacerbate the stigmatization and marginalization of trans women who are already in a vulnerable position.3 The terms “transgender” and “intersex” are used interchangably too, which is highly problematic. Without denying the possible queering effects of pollutants, an excessive focus on sexual and gender “diversions” may obscure other dangers, such as cancer, diabetes, and internal organ disorders (Davis; Di Chiro).
Image 1. Firdhan Aria Wijaya, Mempertanyakan Narasi Kejantanan [“Questioning the Narrative of Masculinity”], manual collage, 2021.
This campaign and these phenomena form the starting point of our discussion, as two people interested in studying queer and feminist political ecology, to dismantle (making strange/queering) what is considered “natural”. Could it be that our dream of a sustainable environment is unconsciously built on heterenormative and patriarchal assumptions—the very cause of the environmental crisis itself (Mies)? How can we challenge and criticize the reality of extractive capitalism, to create an environment that is not based on the exclusion of vulnerable groups, but instead on solidarity beyond boundaries? To explore these questions, we carried out online literary research and semi-structured informal interviews with a gender and sexual diversity activist from Surabaya, two trans women activists based in Yogyakarta and Bandung, as well as a researcher from Ecoton/Indowater who studied EDC pollution in the Brantas River. We then continued to translate this collective exploration and our reflections into writing and collage-illustration works.
The intimacy of queer and ecological theory as common ground
Queer theory and Nature are like tales that narrate a harmonious plot. Each part of the plot recounts the struggle of the gender and sexual diversity movement and of environmental activists, and articulates the same appeal against oppression and injustice (Gaard 26). This common foundation suggests the intertwining of Queer theory and Nature, and opens up new alternative perspectives on issues concerning ecology and sexuality itself. This thinking later developed into what we know today as Queer Ecology (Mortimer-Sandilands & Erickson 5).
One of the most vital contributions from this alliance of thought is the critique of the division between what is considered to be “natural” and “unnatural”. This “natural”/”unnatural” dichotomy, which is attached to both nature and LGBTQ+, is shaped by social context and power relations in society. The accusation of the unnatural qualities of the body/identity and LGBTQ+ desire, which is rooted in history, continues to spread and leads to dismissal and the formation of a culture of fear. A similar dichotomy occurs in Indonesian society, where people consider LGBTQ+ to be a “deviation” from what is “natural”, connecting it with dominant religious and moral discourses related to kodrat [“the dominion of god, natural law, and true character of self, ed.”]4 Even if categories outside of the heteronormative are considered to be close to “nature”, they are often associated with destruction; said to be the cause of natural disasters for example. This “unnatural” existence or “defiance of kodrat” is said to be “polluting” society. Only humans who follow the path of heteronormativity are considered to be in line with “natural kodrat”. As a result, the “natural” vs. “unnatural” construct plays an important role in determining who/what is “reasonable” to be exploited or discriminated against. Throughout history, practices that perpetuate heteronormativity continue to deny the complexities inherent in human, non-human, and more-than-human beings (Mortimer-Sandilands 8). Furthermore, the power of heteronormativity over the “natural/unnatural” discourse begs the question: Is heterosexuality the only “natural” condition?
While the ability to reproduce heterosexually is considered to be the ideal benchmark in social life, the inability to reproduce oneself is often another reason to reject and ban LGBTQ+ people. Producing offspring then becomes something essential, and the loss of that ability presupposes a threat: the extinction of the (human) species itself. Obviously, that logic was born from a heteronormative perspective that is endlessly perpertuated to impose a hierarchy within ecosystems, including in our social order.
In Indonesia, the perpetuation of this heteronormativity can be traced back to the colonial era. After 1910, the recruitment of married men or men with families was considered more profitable for plantation companies5 (Sinaga; Stoler 31). Moral surveillance was also carried out in the 1930s with the colonial police imprisoning people who practiced homosexuality (Bloembergen 121-122). During the Orde Baru, or the New Order period6 (1966-1998), the hetero family (the result of “keluarga berencana”7, or “family planning”) became the symbol of harmony and well-being for communities, the state and the environment (Suryakusuma). In the post-Reformasi period [the period after 1998, ed.], LGBTQ+ people were persecuted in the name of religion by conservative organizations (that used to be repressed by the New Order regime). Heterosexual family, reproduction, and biological descendants eventually came to be seen as the most established and ideal kind of relationship, and the only sign of hope in the midst of complex social-ecological crises (Boellstorff; Elmhirst). Queer Ecology scholars have explored the question: How are gender and sexual diversity constitutive of the ecosystem (Roughgarden)? Sandilands reminds us that hierarchies based on heteronormativity obstruct our ability to understand the connection between humans, nature and other species, and to perceive gender and sexual diversity in our surroundings (179).
The intimate relation between Queer theory and Nature opened our eyes and motivated us to take a better look at the campaigns and phenomena discussed in this paper. The assumption of “naturalness” brought about by heteronormative thought is feared to produce what ecological justice scholar Giovanna Di Chiro calls “eco(hetero)normativity”. If left unchecked, this paradigm can create a new problem: an environmental movement that discredits the gender and sexual diversity movement (Di Chiro 224). In the case of Indowater/Ecoton’s “Ikan Bencong” campaign, which addressed river pollution and the intersexuality of fish in the Brantas River, trans women groups have indirectly been affected.
Negotiating the power relations in EDC contamination
The fact that scholars across the world are interested in the impact of EDC stems from the observation that fish living in rivers polluted with industrial waste and by Domestic Sewage Treatment Plants (“Instalasi Pengolahan Air Limbah”) show “reproductive changes”, including the phenomenon of intersexuality, where male fish develop egg cells and ovarian cavities in their testicular cortexes. Although the exact cause remains “unknown” and the effect of intersexuality on fish populations is “ambiguous”, the decline in the reproductive performance of male fish is considered to be an indication of a problem that needs intervention. This is because the reproductive mutations are regarded as a threat to population sustainability, eventually leading to species extinction (Servos; Hicks et al).
Image 2. Firdhan Aria Wijaya & Giovanni Dessy Austriningrum, “Melampaui Perspektif Manusia” (“Beyond the Human Perspective”), manual collage and gouache, 2021.
In a news report published on Rappler (27th September 2016), Ecoton stated that the concentration of EDC in the Brantas River is relatively high compared to other countries. In fact, 98% of the water supply of Surabaya’s PDAM (Regional Drinking Water Company) was sourced from rivers. As a result of industrial waste processing companies–which process plastics, textiles, paints, drugs, heavy metals, and so forth–that operate along the river, 20% of Java Barb fish (“Ikan Tawes”) are considered “already intersex”. “Comparable Concentrations could have a similar impact on humans if they were to be exposed to, or contaminated with EDC” (Tedjo). In campaign posters and leaflets, Indowater/Ecoton also emphasized the impact of EDC on men by citing research conducted by Levine et al., namely that a 59% decrease in sperm count was found in countries in Europe, North America, Australia and New Zealand. The study suspects EDC pollution to be one of the possible causes (amongst other causes like smoking habits, diet and body mass index). In response to this issue, Indowater/Ecoton initiated various lines of action including research, advocating for city government policies to develop a roadmap for the recovery of the Brantas River, education for local residents living alongside the river, and mass media and direct action campaigns.
Ecoton researcher Riska Darmawanti said that “factories dispose of their waste in the middle of the night, to escape the surveillance carried out by public waste services. Domestic and communal Waste Water Treatment Plants (WWTP) are only designed to reduce water turbidity but cannot control toxic substances, including heavy metals and EDC” (4th August 2021). She added that the government has an obligation to monitor the river environment based on several regulations regarding “B3” waste (“Bahan Berbahaya dan Beracun”, or “ Hazardous and Toxic Materials”). However, the government budget allocated for environmental monitoring is very small. Due to Covid-19, the funds were cut by 60%, making monitoring even more difficult–the cuts even affected employees’ salaries and governmental ceremonies. Meanwhile, the community is not yet equipped with proper monitoring skills. Pressure from the polluting industry and several factions in the government make the situation even worse. Because of the lack of data transparency and regular monitoring from the government, Ecoton carried out their own independent research and data collection. Riska continued;
“…The cost of monitoring these substances is costly. For example, we managed to test the level of dioxin in water. 4 samples cost 20 million Indonesian rupiah, and the samples had to be sent to the Netherlands. For grassroots friends and NGOs, this is a huge amount of money. […] Government laboratories, especially city DLH labs, are not all SNI certified. The government itself often does not have the capacity to carry out independent monitoring. They sometimes have to send samples to private labs, even on a small budget” (interview,August 2021).
These research findings were later used by Ecoton to confront the polluting industry together with environmental community networks at a national and international level. If confrontation and negotiation with the industry does not work, the route they take is to publish the research data through campaigns and mass media with the aim to “shame the industry”, especially companies that claim to have an environmentally friendly label.
“In 2017, the issue of EDC and the intersexuality of fish was also widely discussed overseas. Our campaign actually copies and modifies the practices of communities overseas. […] A lot of research published in international journals is difficult for people to access because they need to pay for it, and the journals use complex language. Many environmental cases are not talked about in mainstream media. That’s why we carry out humorous campaigns to attract attention. We believe that it will be a more effective way to raise awareness about this issue. […] Journalists are fond of bizarre and interesting things. By spreading “ikan bencong” (or “trans fish”), the headlines become bombastic. The hope is to get people to start reading about it. […] Although in the end, I regret the use of the term because it is troubling for LGBT friends” (interview, 4th August 2021).
Riska’s statement shows the convoluted power gaps that shape the Ecoton campaign: impunity for the polluting industry, weakening of the government, the commodification of science, the power of mass media in the information era, environmental movements (especially in the Global North), and the eco(hetero)normativity paradigm that has become the dominant framework for the anti-EDC discourse. Even though the research that they refer to has not been able to pinpoint the precise causes and effects yet, the emphasis on the decrease in sperm count and virility shows the masculine bias behind the campaign. In response to the campaign, Vera Cruz from the LGBTQ+ rights organization GAYa Nusantara said;
“We merely regret the terms they use. It’s not really a big problem. But if possible, it’s better to not scapegoat other communities. Because we both fight for the community. We are both vulnerable groups: Environmentalist groups, yes, indigenous groups, yes. […] The term associates [the campaign] with trans friends, even though they don’t dispose of their plastic waste there” (interview, 2nd August 2021).
Neglected processes of “becoming”, stigmatization should not be perpetuated
The issue of river pollution reveals the entanglement of the economic, the political and the social in determining “nature”. Plastic materials, PCBs, DDT and dioxins extracted from deep within the earth are processed, consumed and decomposed, and become part of water, rocks, animals, plants and the human body—along with all kinds of effects. To imagine something clean or “uncontaminated” is misleading, it leads us away from understanding the entanglement of processes within “nature”.
Our multispecies world is currently sustained by a system that relies on an inequality of distribution, be it well-being or suffering (Haraway 230). Ecological processes and impacts are also unevenly distributed based on class, race, gender, sexual orientation, ability, and so on. If we look at modern history, the more dominant groups and ideologies (male/ white/ bourgeois/ heterosexual/ able) have always regarded their condition as something “natural” and “normal”; the best result of “natural selection”. Anyone who does not meet these criteria and qualities is considered to be “deficient”, “abnormal”, “unnatural”, and “polluted”. The discourse on “nature” is utilized to perpertuate heteronormativity, to control sexuality, to punish and exclude people who are considered to be “sexually deviant” (Sandilands). In the case of intersex fish, the rising panic about the existence of a “disruption” to the hetero gender/sexual order also exposes the historical dominance of the hetero family, inculding in narratives concerning environmental conservation (Davis 238).
As a result, LGBTQ+ communities are treated badly and their opinions are ignored because they are seen as “kodrat defying” and “abnormal”. They are in fact one of the groups most affected by the unequal distribution system. In many cities in Indonesia, the stigmatization of LGBTQ+ has manifested in banners of rejection and in publications that claim LGBTQ+ people cause natural disasters. Teh Luvhi, a trans woman who is part of the trans-community Srikandi Pasundan (SP) in West Java, told us how the distressing stigmatization of LGBTQ+ has affected the lives of trans women communities, which are already unbearable, especially when the expression of trans womanhood is considered to be conspicuous.
“All our friends are downhearted. After they saw those banners, they were afraid to show their true selves. […] We are also frequently persecuted by civil society groups (“ormas”)–who are unfortunately backed by police and local people–in the form of raids and evictions that force us to flee our boarding houses. It often happens in Kiaracondong and Pasteur” (interview, 3rd August 2021).
The fact that the majority of trans women have difficulty gaining access to an identity card and formal jobs, means they have to fight harder to meet their daily needs. However, that does not mean that they are merely “helpless victims”. Organizations and communities such as Keluarga Besar Waria Yogyakarta (Kebaya, or “Extended Trans Women Family Yogyakarta”) and Srikandi Pasundan are just a few examples of support (care) networks established by allies of trans women, to help them survive in the midst of an unjust system. “If there are raids, persecutions, or other issues in one area, friends in other areas will help, be in solidarity, and take action”, said Teh Luvhi (3rd August 2021). In communities and networks, knowledge production and collective narratives can be created to change misleading dominant paradigms. Mami Vinolia from Kebaya firmly but casually argued that;
“(I) have heard about the notion that LGBTQ is a natural disturbance, the cause of natural disasters. […] In my opinion, social media has a vital effect on our lives, especially for trans women. There are journalists who are on our side, and others who are not. Some only have superficial knowledge and don’t get in touch with waria8 friends first. In fact, they make waria friends feel uncomfortable, they force us into a corner. […] (We) are considered to be the cause of natural disasters. They don’t like us, they don’t want to learn, and they eventually produce opinions that are, excuse me for saying this, extremely disrespectful. […] If you think you are smart, you should find out why people are or become trans women.” (interview, 4th August 2021).
Mami Vinolia’s testimony proposes an important concept in Queer Ecology, namely that the body, sexuality, and gender should be understood as dynamic processes of “becoming” and experiences, not something rigid, linear, or static (Ah-King & Hayward). There should be more open discussions and collaborations between communities and professions to establish an inclusive narrative that can correct the faults in the system—instead of perpetuating injustices. Even if gender and “sexual deviance” are caused by environmental pollution, the stigmatization of queer people is still unjustifiable. The perspectives, experiences, and strategies of the queer community actually contribute significantly to the formation of coalitions for social and environmental justice. The issue of pollution and Queer Ecology force us to think critically about the fragility and resilience of our bodies, to confront reality and question the power relations that generate that reality. “Contamination” does not necessarily make a person (or their opinion) invalid (Davis).
Rethinking the path of the environmental justice movement
The ecological crisis that is upon us is inherently complex. The environmental movement remains fragmented. Most are still anxious to save the imagination and fantasy of “the purity of nature”. The environmental movement needs to liberate itself and embrace a Queer Ecology perspective, in defense of humans, non-humans, and the more-than-human who are entangled with nature, and break away from the “natural/unnatural” dichotomy. That way, inclusiveness and ecological justice can be enjoyed by anyone regardless of their background, because nature is a home for every single one of us.
Image 3. Giovanni Dessy Austriningrum, “Counter-planning from the kitchen garden”, watercolor and gouache on paper, 2021.
The campaign launched by Indowater/Ecoton triggers a collective reflection on the fact that sensitivity, a sense of belonging, and the intersectionality of issues is crucial. Instead of propagating ideas that negatively associate trans women with the “pollution” of rivers, environmental activists need to rethink their strategies to communicate issues relating to ecological crisis. A humorous approach can occasionally be effective, but if it harms a community, there needs to be an alternative. Building solidarity with other communities who face different issues is important to open up space for communities to be connected. Empty, in-between spaces that are actually entangled can be activated in solidarity. For instance, the LGBTQ+ community could teach people about the concept of gender and sexual diversity, and share an overview of their efforts to challenge the pressures and discrimination they experience, whilst environmental activists could explain the pollution of the Brantas River and the important role the river plays in the lives and livelihoods of local people, including LGBTQ+ communities.
When the Covid-19 pandemic hit, LGBTQ+ communities, especially trans women groups in Indonesia, started to think about ways to get out of the crisis by familiarizing themselves with environmental issues. As Teh Luvhi said;
“At the start of the pandemic, my friends had a hard time making a living. We supported them (only 5 trans women friends at that time) by trying to grow simple vegetables like pakchoi, kale and bean sprouts. There were also friends who started farming catfish in buckets. […]. After that, we started to invite other friends in Bandung. […] And it turned out that many friends were interested. Some started farming in their boarding houses or in their small yards. To this day, it’s still ongoing and the number of participants has grown to 20 trans women.” (interview, 3rd August 2021)
These kinds of initiatives are an effort to apply the principles of food security. Luvhi also added that public kitchens were established in the Caringin area in Surabaya, although those only lasted until the beginning of 2021. Connecting environmental issues, networks of support, care and recognition of trans women have brought a glimmer of hope.
Therefore, inter-community meetings and networks should be further fostered. The intersection of issues drives communities to stand together in fighting oppression—instead of making the burden heavier. Solidarity can play a significant role in social transformation, while protecting our shared house from the idea of eco(hetero)normativity.
Marx once wrote that humans create their own history, but not under circumstances chosen by themselves. Under the dominance of extractive capitalism, imperialism, white supremacy, and hetero-patriarchy, we are all mutants: subjects polluted and contaminated by inorganic waste, by viruses, by the blood and sweat of fellow workers, as well as by toxic socio-political myths. From the ruins of homes, factories, and laboratories, and from murky river beds, we build a new world history (Haraway; Lewis).
Endnotes:
1 Indowater is a consortium of communities living with and alongside river ecosystems in Bali, Bogor and Surabaya. Ecoton is a research organization and a member of Indowater.
2 The same narrative was still used in speeches in 2021, as recorded in a documentary released in that same year, entitled 3 Ekspedisi Sungai: #01 Revolusi Popok (Watchdoc, see minute 14’16”).
3 Bencong is an offensive term often associated with trans women and gay men. The term bencong is often used interchangeably with banci (a derogatory slur that carries the same meaning as bencong) and waria.
4 The Indonesian Dictionary Handbook translates kodrat as “the dominion of god, natural law, and true character of self”. Kodrat determines almost the entire discourse on gender and sexuality in Indonesia. Adriany argues that it is challenging to oppose the idea of kodrat as it is connected to religious discourse (5). As a result, kodrat only accepts cis-gender and heterosexual identities within the “natural” category.
5 Drawing on the principles of “family formation” and by exploiting hetero-partriarchal gender norms, plantation owners had access to free female labour (with women working on plantations and for social reproduction in domestic settings).
6 Translator’s note: Led by Indonesia’s second president Suharto, the “New Order” regime or Orde Baru (1966-1998) was characterized by a strong anti-communism ideology, developmental programs, the entry of foreign investments, and limited freedom of expression, amongst others.
7 Translator’s note: During the rule of Sukarno, Indonesia’s first president (1945-1965), family planning was not regarded as an important issue. However, in 1970, a few years after Suharto’s rise to power, family planning was institutionalized under Badan Kependudukan dan Keluarga Berencana Nasional (BKKBN, or The National Population and Family Planning Board). The expected outcome of this program was the creation of nuclear families, typically consisting of a breadwinning father, a stay-at-home mother, and two children.
8 The term waria as a subject and being cannot simply be translated as “trans woman”. However, the term has a broader meaning based on the historical and social context of Indonesia. A good explanation of waria can be found in Diego Garcia Rodriguez’s article “The Muslim Waria of Yogyakarta: Finding Agency within Sumbission” (published in Transgender Studies Quarterly, Vol. 6, Issue 3, 2019). Read the full article here: https://read.dukeupress.edu/tsq/article-abstract/6/3/368/139418/The-Muslim-Waria-of-YogyakartaFinding-Agency.
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